Russian affixes in Copper Island Aleut

Summary

Affix function number of borrowed affixes

Description

Information and examples are from Golovko and Vakhtin (1990) and Sekerina (1994:22–29), the most complete descriptions and the only ones available in English. Some additional, and partially alternative, description is given by Thomason (1997). The situation may be summarized as follows: “the derivational and nominal inflection system of CIA ［i.e. Copper Island Aleut, FS］ is entirely of Aleut origin, but the verbal inflectional system is that of Russian” (Sekerina 1994:22). A total of 15 borrowed affixes are productively used on native stems.

6 present tense subject suffixes (Golovko and Vakhtin 1990:98, 104, 107–112; Sekerina 1994:22–29)

  • -yu ‘first singular’, e.g. qɑ̄=yu ‘I eat’, sū=yu ‘I take’
  • -iŝ ‘second singular’, e.g. qɑ̄=iŝ ‘you eat’, sū=iŝ ‘you take’
  • -it ‘third singular’, e.g. qɑ̄=it ‘he/she/it eats’, sū=it ‘he/she/it takes’, cali=it ‘he fishes’
  • -im ‘first plural’, e.g. qɑ̄=im ‘we eat’, sū=im ‘we take’
  • -iti ‘second plural’, e.g. qɑ̄=iti ‘you (pl) eat’, sū=iti ‘you (pl) take’
  • -yut ~ -yat ‘third plural’, e.g. qɑ̄=yut ‘they eat’, sū=yut ‘they take’

6 past tense inflectional suffixes (Sekerina 1994:22–29; Golovko and Vakhtin 1990:108)

  • -l ‘past tense’, e.g. ukuxtɑ̄=l ‘he saw’, ayxacɑ̄=l=a=ya ‘I started’, ayxɑ̄=l=ya ‘I travelled’, ukuxtɑ̄=l=i ‘they saw’, sū=l ‘he took’, sū=l=i ‘they took’
  • -i ‘past plural’, e.g. anĝaĝí=l=i=mi ‘we lived’, ú=l=i=mi ‘we were’, ukuxtɑ̄=l=i ‘they saw’, sū=l ‘he took’, sū=l=i ‘they took’
  • -ya ‘first singular’, e.g. ayxacɑ̄=l=a=ya ‘I started’, ayxɑ̄=l=ya ‘I travelled’, ukuxtɑ̄=l ‘he saw’
  • -ti ‘second singular’, e.g. mɑ̄=l=ti ‘you did’,
  • -mi ‘first plural’, e.g. anĝaĝí=l=i=mi ‘we lived’, ú=l=i=mi ‘we were’
  • -vi ‘second plural’ (no examples of hybrids)

(third person is unmarked)

1 optional subject feminine gender suffix (Golovko and Vakhtin 1990:108–109)

  • -a, used after the borrowed past tense marker -l, e.g. ayxacɑ̄=l=a=ya ‘I started’

1 infinitive marker

  • -t’ ‘infinitive’, suffixed to main verbs for plural formation which combine with a borrowed auxiliary, e.g. taana ni-buud-ish ukuu-t’ ‘You won’t see the land’ (Sekerina 1994:25). This marker may be considered part of finite verbal inflection and thus as being morphosyntactically related to the other morphology.

1 negative verbal prefix (Golovko and Vakhtin 1990:102, 104, 109)

  • ni- ‘negative’, e.g. ni=túta=qaĝī=l ‘he would not listen’, ni=sūy ‘don’t take!’