| Affix function | number of borrowed affixes |
|---|---|
Information and examples are from Golovko and Vakhtin (1990) and Sekerina (1994: 22–29), the most complete (and only English) descriptions. Some additional, and partially alternative description is given by Thomason (1997). The situation may be summarized as “the derivational and nominal inflection system of CIA [i.e. Copper Island Aleut, FS] is entirely of Aleut origin, but the verbal inflectional system is that of Russian” (Sekerina 1994: 22). A total of 15 borrowed affixes are productively used with native stems.
6 present tense subject suffixes (Golovko and Vakhtin 1990: 98, 104, 107–112; Sekerina 1994: 22–29)
‑yu ‘first singular’, e.g. qɑ̄=yu ‘I eat’, sū=yu ‘I take’
‑iŝ ‘second singular’, e.g. qɑ̄=iŝ ‘you eat’, sū=iŝ ‘you take’
‑it ‘third singular’, e.g. qɑ̄=it ‘he/she/it eats’, sū=it ‘he/she/it takes’, cali=it ‘he fishes’
‑im ‘first plural’, e.g. qɑ̄=im ‘we eat’, sū=im ‘we take’
‑iti ‘second plural’, e.g. qɑ̄=iti ‘you (pl) eat’, sū=iti ‘you (pl) take’
‑yut ~ ‑yat ‘third plural’, e.g. qɑ̄=yut ‘they eat’, sū=yut ‘they take’
6 past tense inflectional suffixes (Sekerina 1994: 22–29; Golovko and Vakhtin 1990: 108)
‑l ‘past tense’, e.g. ukuxtɑ̄=l ‘he saw’, ayxacɑ̄=l=a=ya ‘I started’, ayxɑ̄=l=ya ‘I travelled’, ukuxtɑ̄=l ‘I he saw’, ukuxtɑ̄=l=i ‘they saw’, sū=l ‘he took’, sū=l=i ‘they took
‑i ‘past plural’, e.g. anĝaĝí=l=i=mi ‘we lived’, ú=l=i=mi ‘we were’, ukuxtɑ̄=l=i ‘they saw’, sū=l ‘he took’, sū=l=i ‘they took
‑ya ‘first singular’, e.g. ayxacɑ̄=l=a=ya ‘I started’, ayxɑ̄=l=ya ‘I travelled’, ukuxtɑ̄=l ‘he saw’
‑ti ‘second singular’, e.g. mɑ̄=l=ti ‘you did’,
‑mi ‘first plural’, e.g. anĝaĝí=l=i=mi ‘we lived’, ú=l=i=mi ‘we were’
‑vi ‘second plural’ (no examples of hybrids)
(third person is unmarked)
1 optional subject feminine gender suffix (Golovko and Vakhtin 1990: 108–109)
‑a, used after borrowed past tense marker ‑l, e.g. ayxacɑ̄=l=a=ya ‘I started’
1 infinitive marker
‑t’ ‘infinitive’, suffixed to main verbs for plural formation which combine with a borrowed auxiliary, e.g. taana ni‑buud‑ish ukuu‑t’ ‘You won’t see the land’ (Sekerina 1994: 25). This marker may be considered part of finite verbal inflection and thus as being morphosyntactically related to the other morphology.
1 negative verbal prefix (Golovko and Vakhtin 1990: 102, 104, 109)
ni‑ ‘negative’, e.g. ni=túta=qaĝī=l ‘he would not listen’, ni=sūy ‘don’t take!’