Croatian affixes in Istro‑Romanian


Affix function number of borrowed affixes


Information and examples are from various sources, as noted below. For additional discussion of these examples, see Rozencvejg (1976: 24), Dahmen (1989: 455), Breu (1992; 1996: 35–36), and Boretzki (2004: 1648).


8 derivational prefixes, forming ‑ to some extent ‑ aspectual pairs. Further prefixes are mentioned in some of the sources, but these are not attested in hybrid formations.

ăn‑ perfective’, e.g. ănviså ‘to dream (perfective)’ (from viså ‘to dream (imperfective)’ (Gardani 2008: 68; citing Dahmen 1989: 455)

po‑ perfective’, e.g. potorče ‘to spin (perfective)’ (from torče ‘to spin (imperfective)’) (Hurren 1969: 62; Kovačec 1971: 125), posúže ‘suck (perfective)’ (from súže ‘suck (imperfective)’) (Sala 1988: 79)

za‑ ~ ze‑ perfective’, e.g. zadurmi/zedurmi ‘to sleep (perfective)’ (from durmi ‘to sleep (imperfective)’), zaplənče ‘to weep (perfective)’ (from plənče ‘to weep (imperfective)’) (Hurren 1969: 62; Kovačec 1971: 125), zalatrɑ̊ ‘begin to bark’ (from latrɑ̊ ‘bark’) (Sala 1988: 79)

raz‑ perfective’, e.g. razlegua ‘to bind (perfective)’ (from legua ‘to bind (imperfective)’) (Hurren 1969: 62; Kovačec 1971: 125; Sala 1988: 79)

s‑ perfective’, e.g. skopei ‘to dig (perfective)’ (from kopei ‘to dig (imperfective)’ (Hurren 1969: 62; Kovačec 1971: 125)

od‑ perfective’, e.g. odlomi ‘to break (perfective)’ (from lomi ‘to break (imperfective)’) (Hurren 1969: 62; Kovačec 1971: 125)

na‑ ~ ne‑ perfective’, e.g. namâŋcɑ̊ ‘eat (perfective)’ (from mâncɑ̊ ‘eat’) (Sala 1988: 79)

pri‑ perfective’, e.g. prifače ‘finish changing, do differently’ (from fače ‘to do’) (Sala 1988: 79)


Gardani (2008: 69; citing Pușcariu and Kuen 1943:280) also mentions that accusative -u would have replaced inherited ‑ɑ̌, but this appears to occur in two fixed phrases only.