Gurindji affixes in Gurindji Kriol


Affix function number of borrowed affixes


Information and examples are from McConvell and Meakins (2005) and Meakins (2007; 2011). McConvell and Meakins (2005) argue that Gurindji Kriol emerged from code‑switching between Gurinji and Kriol, in which English‑based Kriol was the matrix language, and that therefore elements from Gurinji can be considered as borrowings. Only forms for which there are sufficient indications that they are used with native, English‑based stems, are counted here, e.g. the borrowed plural marker rrat is not counted here because it “is only found on demonstratives of Gurindji origin” (Meakins 2007: 386).


2 markers for core cases (Meakins 2007: 367)

‑ngku ~‑tu ‘ergative’, e.g. diyangku ‘the deer (threw)’, boingku ‘the boy (was minding)’, gel‑tu ‘the girl (gave)’

‑yu ~ ‑wu ~ ‑u ‘dative’, e.g. Malingu‑wu ‘to Malingu’, jikinfaul‑u ‘for the chicken’


4 markers for peripheral cases

‑ngka ~ ‑ta ‘locative’, diyangka ‘on the deer’, tri‑ngka ‘on the tree’

‑ngkirri ~ ‑jirri allative’, e.g. motika‑ngkirri ‘to the car’

‑nginyi ablative’, e.g. klif‑nginyi‑ma (cliff‑ablative‑topic) ‘off the cliff’, holnginyi‑ma (hole‑ablative‑topic) ‘from the hole’, juwingjuwing‑nginyi ‘from the swing’

marraj comparative’ (no examples of hybrids, not treated by Meakins as a case marker)


3 number markers

kujarra ‘dual’ (no examples of hybrids)

walija paucal’, e.g. hookwalija ‘a few hooks’, bi‑walija ‘a few bees’

purrupurru, ‑nyarrara, ‑nganyjuk ‘associative plural’ (no examples of hybrids)


2 nominalizers

ny ‘nominalizer’ (no examples of hybrids)

kaji agentive noun’, e.g. toktokkaji (talk‑agentive) ‘recorder’, mokkaji ‘cigarette lighter’


4 nominal suffixes affecting information structure (out of 5 such forms)

rni ‘only’, e.g. legta‑rni (leg‑locative‑only) ‘right through his leg’

ma topic’, e.g. klif‑nginyi‑ma (cliff‑ablative‑topic) ‘off the cliff’, mamingku‑ma (mother‑ergative‑topic) ‘the mother (got)’

‑rla ‘focus’, e.g. hiyarla ‘here’

rayinyj alone’ (no examples of hybrids, not treated by Meakins as belonging to this set of forms)


2 proprietive/privative suffixes

yawung proprietive’, e.g. motika‑yawung ‘their car’, femli‑yawung ‘his family’

murlung privative adjectivizer’, e.g. kulojmurlung ‘naked’


2 non-interrelated suffixes

kari another’, e.g. morkari ‘more’, najan‑kari ‘another’

k, ‑pijik ‘inchoative, attaching to nouns and verbs’ (no examples of hybrids)