| Affix function | number of borrowed affixes |
|---|---|
The description of morphological borrowing from Spanish into various Quechuan languages is from Muysken (2012), who argues explicitly that these seven suffixes are “part of a cluster of related processes, processes which almost operate in paradigmatic opposition” (Muysken 2012: 485). Examples are taken directly from the sources Muysken (2012) cites for Cajamarca Quechua (Quesada Castillo 1976a; 1976b).
7 derivational suffixes
‑dor ‘agentive, occupation noun’, e.g. michidor ‘shepherd’, awador ‘tailor’, ampidor ‘medicine man’ (Quesada Castillo 1976b: 102)
‑iru ‘agentive, occupation’, e.g. yamtiru ‘firewood gatherer’ (Quesada Castillo 1976a: 150), see also (Muysken 2012: 485, 491)
‑itu ~ ‑ita ~ -situ ~ -sita ‘diminutive’, e.g. pishqito ‘little bird’, warmisita ‘little woman’, wishita ‘little sheep’ (Quesada Castillo 1976b: 105)
‑liju ‘adjectivizer/nominalizer’, e.g. mancha‑liju ‘easily scared’ (Quesada Castillo 1976a: 60), see also (Muysken 2012: 487, 491)
‑linku ‘adjectivizer/nominalizer’, e.g. wañu‑inku ‘dying, moribund’ (Quesada Castillo 1976a: 96), see also (Muysken 2012: 487, 491)
‑nyentu ~ ‑chintu ~ ‑lyentu ‘adjectivizer’, e.g. mallaqnyentu ‘hungry’, qeshyachintu ‘sickly’, iskilyentu ‘having lice’ (Quesada Castillo 1976b: 103)
‑likido ‘characterizing derivation’, e.g. qallo‑likidu (tongue‑liquid) ‘liar, talker, gossiper’, qalla‑likidu (lazy‑liquid) ‘lazy’, usa‑likidu (louse‑liquid) ‘full of lice’ (Quesada Castillo 1976a: 125, 168, 169), see also (Muysken 2012: 487, 491)