Spanish affixes in Cajamarca Quechua


Affix function number of borrowed affixes


The description of morphological borrowing from Spanish into various Quechuan languages is from Muysken (2012), who argues explicitly that these seven suffixes are “part of a cluster of related processes, processes which almost operate in paradigmatic opposition” (Muysken 2012: 485). Examples are taken directly from the sources Muysken (2012) cites for Cajamarca Quechua (Quesada Castillo 1976a; 1976b).


7 derivational suffixes

‑dor ‘agentive, occupation noun’, e.g. michidor ‘shepherd’, awador ‘tailor’, ampidor ‘medicine man’ (Quesada Castillo 1976b: 102)

‑iru ‘agentive, occupation’, e.g. yamtiru ‘firewood gatherer’ (Quesada Castillo 1976a: 150), see also (Muysken 2012: 485, 491)

‑itu ~ ‑ita ­~ -situ ~ -sita ‘diminutive’, e.g. pishqito ‘little bird’, warmisita ‘little woman’, wishita ‘little sheep’ (Quesada Castillo 1976b: 105)

‑liju ‘adjectivizer/nominalizer’, e.g. mancha‑liju ‘easily scared’ (Quesada Castillo 1976a: 60), see also (Muysken 2012: 487, 491)

‑linku ‘adjectivizer/nominalizer’, e.g. wañu‑inku ‘dying, moribund’ (Quesada Castillo 1976a: 96), see also (Muysken 2012: 487, 491)

‑nyentu ~ ‑chintu ~ ‑lyentu ‘adjectivizer’, e.g. mallaqnyentu ‘hungry’, qeshyachintu ‘sickly’, iskilyentu ‘having lice’ (Quesada Castillo 1976b: 103)

‑likido characterizing derivation’, e.g. qallo‑likidu (tongue‑liquid) ‘liar, talker, gossiper’, qalla‑likidu (lazy‑liquid) ‘lazy’, usa‑likidu (louse‑liquid) ‘full of lice’ (Quesada Castillo 1976a: 125, 168, 169), see also (Muysken 2012: 487, 491)