| Affix function | number of borrowed affixes |
|---|---|
Information and examples are from Sauer (1967: 171–188) (see also Sauer 1963; Mägiste 1968: 6). According to Sauer (1967: 171–172), borrowed affixes are primarily productive, also with native stems.
7 nominal derivational suffixes. Sauer (1967) gives a total of 11 borrowed nominal derivational suffixes, but 4 of these are excluded here because they are not attested with native stems
‑ja ‘adjectivizer’, e.g. wŭ’rja ‘fat (of bears)’
‑ki̬m ~ ‑kem ~ ‑kim ~ ‑kam ~ ‑kȧm ‘diminutive (note that all examples are with adjectives)’, e.g. łełkam ‘smallish’
‑kis ‘attenuative, adjectivizer’, e.g. warkis ‘light red, reddish’
‑an ‘instrument noun’, e.g. šestän ‘pole for pushing a boat along’
‑as ‘nominalizer’, e.g. šărtas keʌ ‘belt’
‑tek, ‑tak ‘adjectivizer’, e.g. šitak ‘peaceful’
‑tem ~ ‑tim ~ ‑tam ~ ‑tȧm ‘negative adjective formation’, e.g. ŏččam ‘unintelligent, stupid’
2 comparative/superlative particles
‑čək ‘comparative’, e.g. ȧjčək ‘smaller’
‑mȧtȧ ‘superlative’, e.g. ȧjmȧtȧ ‘smallest’
6 verbal derivational suffixes, Sauer (1963: 195–196) lists a total of 7, but one is excluded here because it is only attested with Komi‑Zyrian stems. Sauer (1963) does not give examples of hybrid formations, but explicitly states that these suffixes are added to native stems.
‑aś‑ ‘reflexive verbs from nouns’
‑e̬d‑ ‘causative verbs from nouns’
‑al‑ ‘intransitive verbs from nouns’
‑śi̬‑ ~ ‑źi̬‑ ~ ‑t’śi̬‑ ‘reflexive, intransitive’ from nouns
‑i̬ś‑ ‘reflexive, frequentive’ [for this form, the only example seems to be verb‑verb derivation with valency change, but I am assuming that it can have a verbalizing function, too.]
‑ki̬‑ ~ ‑gi̬‑ ‘affective verbs’
Mägiste (1968: 6), citing Sauer (1963) also mentions that there are a total of seven nominal derivational suffixes, seven verbal derivational suffixes, and two nominal particles. Sauer (1967: 171–172, 182–188) discusses affixes from Russian, Samojedian, Wogulian, and Tartar, but these do not seem to have become productive.